I have a masters degree in Chinese Culture and Society. And if you’re not exactly sure what that means, that’s ok - neither am I.
But I have been given the opportunity and time to indulge my curiosity about different cultures and ways of thinking about the world. And immersing myself in Chinese language sources has unlocked a whole new world of intellectual exploration.
看得懂汉字的朋友们留个言告诉我吧。
A reasonable critique
This does not mean, however, that I haven’t taken a critical approach to studying China. Over the past few years I have gone through many intellectual phases and have also tried to familiarise myself with different ways of analysing the rise of modern China. This involves reading books by nationalist Chinese authors and also critical books by US foreign policy hawks.
My evolution on the “China Question” has taken me from naive sympathiser, to ardent critic, to a (hopefully) wiser and more cautious stance somewhere in between. And most importantly, I have learned the importance of doing your homework when tackling important questions.
General criticism of China is the default Western attitude today. A reasonable critique is important, but the first step is to understand how the other side understands themselves. Be curious, steel-man the opposition and then engage in a generous and vigorous manner.
How often does this happen with China? I’m not expressing support for the Chinese government (or the legacy of the PRC, of which I know quite a bit) but if you wish to critique something, then at least make sure you come prepared. Otherwise you’ll be way too easy to refute on grounds of ignorance and double standards - and rightly so, no?
Writing this thesis was a big chunk of preparation - and it left me less willing to throw around claims about good and bad countries.
A Conflict of Visions & Ideological Analysis
When trying to evaluate if a country is good or bad, you necessarily stumbled upon more foundational questions. What does good even look like? Seemingly good people often disagree on fundamental issues. What seems like common sense to one person might seem stupid to another - and two very decent and smart people might agree on the desirability of a certain state of affairs, but at the same time have opposing explanations about how it came about or how to improve it.
These issues are explored in the book A Conflict of Visions by Thomas Sowell. A truly life-changing read, and a great inspiration for the development of the thesis.
The approach taken in this thesis fits the category of “ideological analysis.” In this conception ideology is not necessarily a pejorative term for ideas that obscure and conceal reality, but rather a ubiquitous lense through which we necessarily interpret the world, both explicitly and implicitly. It determines our “social vision.”
Thomas Sowell characterises such visions as a “sense of causation.” A vision is, in the words of Joseph Schumpeter, a “pre-analytic cognitive act,” more like a hunch or gut-feeling than an exercise in logic or factual verification. Social visions fill in the necessarily large gaps in individual knowledge and lay the foundation for that which is granted as common sense. Commenting on the role intellectuals have played throughout history, Sowell writes that “it has not been so much by whispering words of advice into the ears of political overlords as by contributing to the vast and powerful currents of conceptions and misconceptions that sweep human action along.”
So when deciding on a topic for my thesis my main goal was to try to understand the dominant vision in China today, and how it potentially conflict with the “common sense” view of the world in the West.
What does our story look like with China as the protagonist? Can it help us make sense of their actions?
Also, I just wanted an excuse to read and listen to a lot of Chinese.
You can read the entire version here - or just continue for the highlights.
Abstract
This thesis explores how ideology is constructed in China today. The influential public intellectual and professor at Fudan University, Zhang Weiwei has written a book and starred in a TV series that both discuss ideas and aim to construct a new discourse of confidence in the Chinese system. Subsequently, Zhang has used the show to apply these ideas to the interpretation of different countries’ handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. In the context of the increase in tensions between China and the United States, and the ideological competition implied by comparisons to a new Cold War, this thesis treats Zhang’s book and show as a case study of how ideas of political legitimacy and confidence are constructed and communicated in China today.
The thesis has two main parts: firstly, it will provide an overview of the main ideological trends amongst intellectuals participating in defending the current system of one-party rule under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in China; secondly, it will analyse Zhang Weiwei’s discourse as an example of how these ideas are communicated to the public and used to interpret current affairs in a way that aims to enhance confidence in the Chinese system of government.
Some ideological trends were noted to be prevalent in the studied literature and Zhang’s discourse. These include an appeal to Chineseness as a justification for legitimacy; claims of essential differences between Chinese and Western culture; an insistence on substantive measures of democracy being true democracy, and advocacy for the superiority of measurements of good governance; and calls to repoliticise the state as a mechanism to increase state capacity to work in the interest of the people without being hindered by the law.
In conclusion, we can see Zhang portraying the Chinese concept of unlimited responsibility of the sovereign as a progressive solution to the problems of the West. This is presented as common sense, and China’s handling of the pandemic is viewed as proof that China displays superior values. Finally, although Zhang’s discourse fits well with Party ideology and plays a legitimating role, he provides useful insights into an alternative discourse in a way very different from official propaganda.
Anyone wanting to hear the “Chinese take” on a matter could do worse than check out Zhang’s work.1
Excerpt from Introduction:
“We are not afraid of competition. Especially not competition between political models… China, you must be confident! Let us pass the hat of diffidence to our adversaries.”
This is a quote from Chinese public intellectual Zhang Weiwei 张维为 in 2015 calling for Chinese people to have confidence in their own system of government and dare to stand up to the challenge posed by Western discourse. China must, he urged, stand up and influence international political discourse and norms. Fast forward to 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic has tested governments all over the world, and China, the first country to deal with the virus, was able to return to a semblance of normality before the United States and many of its European allies. According to Zhang, “2020 is the year where the United States lost its magic, and China and the world realised it isn’t special.”
As of June 2020 NATO has declared China a “systemic risk” to the current rules based international order. This is an order that Chinese intellectuals, such as Zhang, view as inherently unjust but rooted in a set of ideas and discourse which make it hard to criticise it. His project is one of challenging this “discursive hegemony” in order to strengthen China’s position in the world. What does this mean for Chinese confidence and the relationship between the world’s two major powers?
Chapter 2: Ideology in Xi’s China
The creation of a political discourse that can understand and explain China and the CCP in a positive way, both to Chinese people and foreigners, is an important part of the Party’s quest for legitimacy. Suffering from the unoriginality of a Leninist one-party system with roots from 1920-30’s Russia and Europe there has been a shift towards relegitimising the CCP through the use of traditional strands of Chinese belief systems, revitalized and presented in a new political context.
Everything is being “Sinified.” Exactly what it means for an idea to be Chinese has come to be characterised by an appeal to the exceptionally “all-encompassing” nature of Chinese culture. At the same time intellectuals relying on critiques of liberalism and the economic inequality brought about by globalization have come out in support of one-party rule based on ideas of increasing state capacity and empowering the sovereign to exercise absolute authority and work in the name of the people.
The following chapter provides an overview of the main intellectual trends underlying ideological debates in China today.
2.6 Summary –
As there is no direct competition in China with which one can compare the Party’s performance, international comparisons become all the more important. A show like China Now could therefore be viewed as playing an important role in communicating ideas to the public and providing a lens through which to view China’s system in a comparatively positive light. These ideas interact with the imaginative maps of ordinary people in Chinese society and influence their common sense view of the legitimacy of authority and their country’s place in the world. As a public figure, respected both in China and abroad, we can learn a lot about the developments of popular ideas by observing how Zhang Weiwei makes sense of the world.
Chapter 3: Analysis of China Now 3. 1
This theme of Western hypocrisy and “mind your own business” mentality is a well-known part of Chinese discourse, but in Zhang’s show there is a new twist. Whereas previously the focus would be on the relative differences in priorities and needs between China as a developing country and other more developed countries, implying that China might one day become like the United States when it reached a certain level of development, now Zhang is explicitly proclaiming the Chinese systems merits, and even superiority over Western democracies.
This is being done in a calm, rational manner (accompanied by soothing music and a receptive audience) and an appeal to facts over ideology. Paired with the well-known Chinese narrative of a righteous rise after the “hundred years of humiliation” and with an underdog status in an international community dominated by Western ideas and discourse, it is an understandably attractive vision for a Chinese audience.
Study, understand and evaluate China
“读懂中国，了解中国，定位中国.”
If you want the juicy details about which ideas and concepts are relied upon to defend the Chinese system of government and critique liberal democracies in the West, you should read the thesis.
This is, I understand, quite a large ask, so suffice it to say that the general message of the CCP, and Zhang Weiwei, is that the Chinese state is morally superior because it takes “unlimited responsibility” for the well-being of its citizens (or at least the nation as a whole), and the country’s handling of the Covid pandemic is highlighted as a decisive example of its benefits. The principle of unlimited responsibility places all the credit, and the blame, for outcomes in society on the sovereign, so the portrayal of relative success becomes an issue of utmost importance for its legitimacy. As a matter of ideological strategy, then, the call to “study, understand and evaluate China” in China Now can be said to play an important role in affecting peoples’ sense of the legitimacy of authority.
Excerpt from Conclusion:
Rather than dismiss characters like Zhang and the discourse he conveys as mere propaganda, however, increased exposure of his understanding of the world could have potential for increased cross-cultural understanding. The general impression given by Zhang in English language forums is that despite differences in institutions and systems, China and the Chinese people are reasonable and well intentioned, and there are more nuanced ways of explaining the Chinese system than that encountered in official statements. Regardless of how one characterises different ideologies, it is probably safe to say that the average educated Chinese person knows more about Western society and political norms than the other way around. In such a climate, characters such as Zhang can play an important role in communicating and translating influential ideas in a manner that can at least be said to be different from how they are encountered through Western media. In the context of fears about a new Cold War, those taking a firm position against the ideology of China’s new discourse might not welcome increased exposure to such voices, but for those curious to hear different viewpoints this can be viewed as a positive development. Regardless, as the narrative of the worldwide pandemic is being written, the competition for normative influence in the world means that understanding ideological discourse in China is only increasing in importance.
So finally, to put it in less passive language, I am curious to hear from confident Chinese voices. Hopefully, they can help steer China in a good direction and make the western world sharpen their act.
Entire episodes of the Zhang’s show China Now used to be available on YT, many with english subtitles. I’m no longer able to find them…